Roza Abdulridha
Professor Yerks
Comp 106
14 December 2008
Microserfs: A Visual Art
Many people have used visual images in their writings to reinforce their messages. In what ways does Coupland use text-based visual art to good effect in Microserfs? At what point does his book become a visual art rather than a literary art experience?
In his novel, “Microserfs,” author Douglas Coupland uses text-based visual art to allow the reader to feel the realm, attitude, and perspective of the novel itself and not just as a literary content. He does so by assigning a different font style for emails, Dan’s diary entries, as well as random entries into the “subconscious file.” Coupland uses these fonts to create a moving and real script, where the reader can place him or herself in the novel, and at the same time take the reader back to the time period of the 1990s.
There is a standard font that is used for the general content of the novel; including conversations. However, to distinguish a conversation about Shiatsu between Karla and Dan and an email between Dan and Abe, Coupland uses a bold typewriter style font. When the reader comes across an email between Abe and Dan, he or she can visualize the appearance of this email on Dan’s PowerBook. The reader can also easily track the progress of these emails as if he or she is receiving these emails with Dan. At one point through the emails, Dan realizes that “Abe’s email is getting more frequent and more personal” (Coupland 186). The reader can skim through the pages and spot any bolded typewriter style font and recognize that it corresponds to an email from Abe, just as Dan can view these messages on his computer. In addition to the emails, the copy and paste of the words “money” and “machine” on an entire page to the reader is seen as a screen shot of the document while Dan typed the words in.
Another font style used is the bigger font bolded words that Dan inserts into his subconscious file. As Dan stares at his PowerBook, he wonders, “ ‘what’s going through their heads?’” (Coupland 44). Thus whenever a reader comes across a page filled with random big font bolded words; he or she can just envision this subconscious file with these words typed into it as if the screen is in front of him or her. The novel becomes a visual art beginning at the point where Dan creates his subconscious file.
These font styles that Coupland uses create a moving and real novel, where the reader experiences the events as Dan does; whether receiving an email from Abe or inserting words into the subconscious file. As a result, the reader can sense how technology operated during the 1990s because the text that used is similar to that used when computers were first created.
Works Cited
Coupland, Douglas. Microserfs. New York: ReganBooks, 1996.
Sunday, December 14, 2008
Monday, November 17, 2008
Module III--Draft revisions
I went back and re-read each article and noticed that the article “The China Dream Revisited,” was not from a scholarly journal! I was left with only a one-paragraph draft after deleting the summary of the China article. I felt I accomplished nothing! This is the most evident revision to my draft; I had to search for two more articles once again. I actually had a difficult time choosing the two articles from Proquest because I wanted to read all of them! To make the elimination process easier, I simply chose the most recent articles. Then, as I skimmed through a few of them, I noticed a trend in the subject –other than the general topic of Foreign Affairs and international relations. I noticed that each article had ties with trade and relations to the United States, and not just the country’s own economic growth and affairs. I finally chose an article about China developing energy relationships with the US and another that discussed Germany’s relationship with Russia, and how incorporating Russia into the European Union could be unfavorable to relations with the US.
After summarizing each of the two articles, I went through my draft one more time, and this time; I changed the introductory paragraph to tie in the trend I noticed of the relationship to the US. I revised some grammatical errors and sentence structures from the article about Brazil. I had so much to write, I was trying so hard to stay close to 700 words, but I couldn’t help but go over. As to my conclusion, I pictured the geographic locations of the countries and thought, the struggle to build trade relationships seems to be between the East and the West, and worked around that thought to conclude my summary.
After summarizing each of the two articles, I went through my draft one more time, and this time; I changed the introductory paragraph to tie in the trend I noticed of the relationship to the US. I revised some grammatical errors and sentence structures from the article about Brazil. I had so much to write, I was trying so hard to stay close to 700 words, but I couldn’t help but go over. As to my conclusion, I pictured the geographic locations of the countries and thought, the struggle to build trade relationships seems to be between the East and the West, and worked around that thought to conclude my summary.
Module III: Annotated Bibliography
Annotated Bibliography
Alexander Rahr. "Germany and Russia: A Special Relationship. " The Washington Quarterly 30.2 (2007): 137-145. Research Library. ProQuest. University of Michigan-Dearborn, Dearborn, MI. 17 Nov. 2008
This article discusses Germany’s role as a mediator in European-Russian relations, where the question lies whether to incorporate Russia into the European Union, or form an alliance only with the United States.
Juan de Onis. "Brazil's Big Moment. " Foreign Affairs 87.6 (2008): 110-122. ABI/INFORM Global. ProQuest. University of Michigan-Dearborn, Dearborn, MI. 12 Nov. 2008
This article discusses Brazil as an emerging economic power. Juan de Onis discusses the key resources in Brazil and how the country is reaching out to the East and West and strengthening relations.
Zha Daojiong, Hu Weixing. "Promoting Energy Partnership in Beijing and Washington. " The Washington Quarterly 30.4 (2007): 105. Research Library. ProQuest. University of Michigan-Dearborn, Dearborn, MI. 17 Nov. 2008
This article discusses the energy assumptions that both the United States and China hold against each other that has put a hold to Chinese-U.S. relations. These assumptions must be put aside, and action plans rather than talks must be put into consideration.
Alexander Rahr. "Germany and Russia: A Special Relationship. " The Washington Quarterly 30.2 (2007): 137-145. Research Library. ProQuest. University of Michigan-Dearborn, Dearborn, MI. 17 Nov. 2008
This article discusses Germany’s role as a mediator in European-Russian relations, where the question lies whether to incorporate Russia into the European Union, or form an alliance only with the United States.
Juan de Onis. "Brazil's Big Moment. " Foreign Affairs 87.6 (2008): 110-122. ABI/INFORM Global. ProQuest. University of Michigan-Dearborn, Dearborn, MI. 12 Nov. 2008
This article discusses Brazil as an emerging economic power. Juan de Onis discusses the key resources in Brazil and how the country is reaching out to the East and West and strengthening relations.
Zha Daojiong, Hu Weixing. "Promoting Energy Partnership in Beijing and Washington. " The Washington Quarterly 30.4 (2007): 105. Research Library. ProQuest. University of Michigan-Dearborn, Dearborn, MI. 17 Nov. 2008
This article discusses the energy assumptions that both the United States and China hold against each other that has put a hold to Chinese-U.S. relations. These assumptions must be put aside, and action plans rather than talks must be put into consideration.
Module III--Final Draft
Foreign Affairs: Talks between the East and West
Foreign affairs are an important aspect of my International Studies major, and typical talks mostly deal with world powers such and the United States and Europe. However, spotlights of international relations with the US and world economic growth is on countries I didn’t expect could emerge as powers. Brazil, China, and Russia are key players in international talks—more than anyone could expect.
In his article, “Brazil’s Big Moment,” Juan de Onis asserts that Brazil will be next in line to be the powerful economic democracies of the world. He supports his position first by giving a brief synopsis of the features that are the key to Brazil’s economy growth, which include; expanded exports, oil discoveries, financial stability, low inflation, growing foreign and domestic investment, booming consumer demand, as well as others. Secondly, he explains that the key driver of this economic transition after a long period of political instability, is the current president, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, also known as Lula, where he “pledged to honor contracts, respect private property, exercise fiscal discipline, and pay off Brazils’ foreign debt” (de Onis 109). Last but not least, Onis suggests possible ways that the United States and Brazil can build international and business relationships, especially with the new administration that is to take over in January, as well as the upcoming presidential elections in Brazil. In addition, compared to a world economic power such as China, Brazil is clearly growing at a fast rate and is catching up to the Eastern powers. Despite the current economic crisis of the world, countries such as Brazil and its nationalistic citizens look forward to future foreign relations with regards to trade. With Brazil’s economic advancement and growth, there is hope for future international relations with the United States. Meanwhile, the United States should consider energy partnerships with China.
In their article, “Promoting Energy Partnership in Beijing and Washington,” authors Zha Daojiong and Hu Weixing stress that “as the world’s second-largest and largest consumers of oil, respectively, China and the Unites States are becoming more sensitive to each other’s pursuit of energy sources from other countries,” thus “energy security has ironically become a necessary agenda item in Chinese-U.S. relations” (Daojiong and Weixing 105). There are a few tensions that have weakened this relationship, one of which the United States has been an important supplier to China of Kerosene in the past, however those trade ties came to an end during World War II. In addition, as domestic consumption increased in China, oil trade decreased, thus driving away foreign oil investments.
There seems to be misleading perceptions from both sides, where the United States views China’s foreign energy supply as part of its plan to build its power. Chinese analysts view the United States to use oil as a weapon against China, due to the United States’ historical control of oil production worldwide. Thus China engages in oil investments wherever access is possible in order to meet its demand, as it did with Sudan and Ethiopia, resulting in international political and social risks. These assumptions must be put aside and instead of Chinese-U.S. energy “talks”, an action plan must be put in place in order to establish energy security for these two giant oil consumers.
As the United States ponders upon future trade and investments with developing countries such as China and Brazil, the European Union is in a dilemma whether to include Russia as part of the European Union (EU) and risk relations with the US. In his article “Germany and Russia: A Special Relationship,” Alexander Rahr emphasizes the EU’s suspicions of Russia’s role after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The country stags behind the world in economic growth, yet is a key dependent country of oil production. Germany along with France has long been with good relations with Russia, yet this incorporation would require majority vote from the EU countries. The problem lies with the fact that the EU looks for “foreign affairs, economic cooperation, interior security aspects, and cultural issues” (Rahr 139) as far as international relations. Thus the EU has more in common with the United States rather than Russia. Another important issue is that the EU fears Russia siding with China against the west, by creating a gas exporting organization in Eurasia, thus weakening relations with both Europe and the US. Russia will become a strong influence in the future, however the EU fears that it would “collapse if world energy prices go down” (Rahr 144).
There is a sense of pride in one’s country and its resource and production potential. There is an intense coalition between the East and the West, and with whom to side with. However, in a culturally and technologically advanced society we live in today, there needs to be cooperation and positive talks on a global and international scale in order for the United States, Europe and the eastern counties to overcome the world economic crisis.
Foreign affairs are an important aspect of my International Studies major, and typical talks mostly deal with world powers such and the United States and Europe. However, spotlights of international relations with the US and world economic growth is on countries I didn’t expect could emerge as powers. Brazil, China, and Russia are key players in international talks—more than anyone could expect.
In his article, “Brazil’s Big Moment,” Juan de Onis asserts that Brazil will be next in line to be the powerful economic democracies of the world. He supports his position first by giving a brief synopsis of the features that are the key to Brazil’s economy growth, which include; expanded exports, oil discoveries, financial stability, low inflation, growing foreign and domestic investment, booming consumer demand, as well as others. Secondly, he explains that the key driver of this economic transition after a long period of political instability, is the current president, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, also known as Lula, where he “pledged to honor contracts, respect private property, exercise fiscal discipline, and pay off Brazils’ foreign debt” (de Onis 109). Last but not least, Onis suggests possible ways that the United States and Brazil can build international and business relationships, especially with the new administration that is to take over in January, as well as the upcoming presidential elections in Brazil. In addition, compared to a world economic power such as China, Brazil is clearly growing at a fast rate and is catching up to the Eastern powers. Despite the current economic crisis of the world, countries such as Brazil and its nationalistic citizens look forward to future foreign relations with regards to trade. With Brazil’s economic advancement and growth, there is hope for future international relations with the United States. Meanwhile, the United States should consider energy partnerships with China.
In their article, “Promoting Energy Partnership in Beijing and Washington,” authors Zha Daojiong and Hu Weixing stress that “as the world’s second-largest and largest consumers of oil, respectively, China and the Unites States are becoming more sensitive to each other’s pursuit of energy sources from other countries,” thus “energy security has ironically become a necessary agenda item in Chinese-U.S. relations” (Daojiong and Weixing 105). There are a few tensions that have weakened this relationship, one of which the United States has been an important supplier to China of Kerosene in the past, however those trade ties came to an end during World War II. In addition, as domestic consumption increased in China, oil trade decreased, thus driving away foreign oil investments.
There seems to be misleading perceptions from both sides, where the United States views China’s foreign energy supply as part of its plan to build its power. Chinese analysts view the United States to use oil as a weapon against China, due to the United States’ historical control of oil production worldwide. Thus China engages in oil investments wherever access is possible in order to meet its demand, as it did with Sudan and Ethiopia, resulting in international political and social risks. These assumptions must be put aside and instead of Chinese-U.S. energy “talks”, an action plan must be put in place in order to establish energy security for these two giant oil consumers.
As the United States ponders upon future trade and investments with developing countries such as China and Brazil, the European Union is in a dilemma whether to include Russia as part of the European Union (EU) and risk relations with the US. In his article “Germany and Russia: A Special Relationship,” Alexander Rahr emphasizes the EU’s suspicions of Russia’s role after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The country stags behind the world in economic growth, yet is a key dependent country of oil production. Germany along with France has long been with good relations with Russia, yet this incorporation would require majority vote from the EU countries. The problem lies with the fact that the EU looks for “foreign affairs, economic cooperation, interior security aspects, and cultural issues” (Rahr 139) as far as international relations. Thus the EU has more in common with the United States rather than Russia. Another important issue is that the EU fears Russia siding with China against the west, by creating a gas exporting organization in Eurasia, thus weakening relations with both Europe and the US. Russia will become a strong influence in the future, however the EU fears that it would “collapse if world energy prices go down” (Rahr 144).
There is a sense of pride in one’s country and its resource and production potential. There is an intense coalition between the East and the West, and with whom to side with. However, in a culturally and technologically advanced society we live in today, there needs to be cooperation and positive talks on a global and international scale in order for the United States, Europe and the eastern counties to overcome the world economic crisis.
Monday, November 10, 2008
Module III--Draft
As I was looking through the scholarly journals at the library, I was confused on which issue or topic to settle on; intercultural communication or foreign affairs? Then, I glanced at each journal and spotted the title “Brazil’s Big Moment.” I have been hearing many talks about Brazil these days and decided to further investigate what the country has to offer.
In his article, “Brazil’s Big Moment,” Juan de Onis asserts that Brazil will be next in line to be the powerful economic democracies of the world. he supports his position first by giving a brief synopsis of the features that are the key to Brazil’s economy growth, which are; expanded exports, oil discoveries, financial stability, low inflation, growing foreign and domestic investment, booming consumer demand, and so on; second, by explaining who is the key driver of this economic transition, and that is the current president, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, also known as Lula; and lastly by affirming his argument, suggesting possible ways that the United States and Brazil can build international and business relationships, especially with the new administration that is to take over in January, as well as the upcoming presidential elections in Brazil. His purpose is to motivate readers, whether they are students, investors, grandparents, that there is hope in improving the economic crisis of the world, and there are countries, such as Brazil, who are nationalistic people and look forward to future foreign relations with regards to trade. The author’s writing seems persuasive, credible, and compassionate and stresses Brazil’s colonial and authoritarian past and its strong growth as a democracy.
The article compares Brazil’s GDP to that of China. Onis mentions, “China’s GDP grows at ten percent annually…Brazil’s growth rate is only five percent...China…invests at an annual rate of 40 percent of GDP and the government consumes only 14 percent. In Brazil, investment is 18 percent of GDP and government consumption is nearly 20 percent.” Compared to a world economic power, Brazil is clearly growing at a fast rate and is catching up to the Eastern powers. Thus I noticed another article that addresses China’s economy.
In his article, Joe Studwell reflects on arguments he made with regards to a book he wrote in 2002, about the travails of foreign investors in China in the 1990s. He revisits his arguments to prove why China does not take over the world by categorizing them into three columns; first, the young and foolish, where he argues that China’s capital banking and exchange controls are unfair to the Chinese citizens as well as unattractive to foreign investors. Studwell argues, “the only sure result of an open capital account for a developing country is to improve stock market returns for international investors.” He also compares the financial systems of post-communist China to Korea and Japan and views them as being crude and monolithic. Secondly, under the could be better column, Studwell discusses state industrial policy, where China would have not developed as well as it has in the past twenty five years if it weren’t for the non-state sector industries. Yet China’s continuous control on big industries in the state sector has shrunk the shares of exports accounted for by foreign firms each year since 1980. This raises the main questions; will Chinese big businesses dominated by government oversight achieve technological advances like the privately owned ones in Japan and Korea? Studwell seems to think that China will not keep up with its Northeast Asian competitors.
Last but not least, under the actually correct column, he reiterates his book’s main concept that, “an economy’s stock of foreign direct investment is a guide to its future competitiveness.” He shuns the “let the market rip” approach that other countries such as Malaysia adopted in order to attract foreign firms “to somehow ‘make local business competitive’ work.” China’s consent to the World Trade Organization has given it limited access to foreign markets.
From reading these two articles, there is a sense of pride in one’s country and its resource and production potential. With successful and positive approaches to globalization and the foreign maker, I foresee a further coalition between the East and West.
In his article, “Brazil’s Big Moment,” Juan de Onis asserts that Brazil will be next in line to be the powerful economic democracies of the world. he supports his position first by giving a brief synopsis of the features that are the key to Brazil’s economy growth, which are; expanded exports, oil discoveries, financial stability, low inflation, growing foreign and domestic investment, booming consumer demand, and so on; second, by explaining who is the key driver of this economic transition, and that is the current president, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, also known as Lula; and lastly by affirming his argument, suggesting possible ways that the United States and Brazil can build international and business relationships, especially with the new administration that is to take over in January, as well as the upcoming presidential elections in Brazil. His purpose is to motivate readers, whether they are students, investors, grandparents, that there is hope in improving the economic crisis of the world, and there are countries, such as Brazil, who are nationalistic people and look forward to future foreign relations with regards to trade. The author’s writing seems persuasive, credible, and compassionate and stresses Brazil’s colonial and authoritarian past and its strong growth as a democracy.
The article compares Brazil’s GDP to that of China. Onis mentions, “China’s GDP grows at ten percent annually…Brazil’s growth rate is only five percent...China…invests at an annual rate of 40 percent of GDP and the government consumes only 14 percent. In Brazil, investment is 18 percent of GDP and government consumption is nearly 20 percent.” Compared to a world economic power, Brazil is clearly growing at a fast rate and is catching up to the Eastern powers. Thus I noticed another article that addresses China’s economy.
In his article, Joe Studwell reflects on arguments he made with regards to a book he wrote in 2002, about the travails of foreign investors in China in the 1990s. He revisits his arguments to prove why China does not take over the world by categorizing them into three columns; first, the young and foolish, where he argues that China’s capital banking and exchange controls are unfair to the Chinese citizens as well as unattractive to foreign investors. Studwell argues, “the only sure result of an open capital account for a developing country is to improve stock market returns for international investors.” He also compares the financial systems of post-communist China to Korea and Japan and views them as being crude and monolithic. Secondly, under the could be better column, Studwell discusses state industrial policy, where China would have not developed as well as it has in the past twenty five years if it weren’t for the non-state sector industries. Yet China’s continuous control on big industries in the state sector has shrunk the shares of exports accounted for by foreign firms each year since 1980. This raises the main questions; will Chinese big businesses dominated by government oversight achieve technological advances like the privately owned ones in Japan and Korea? Studwell seems to think that China will not keep up with its Northeast Asian competitors.
Last but not least, under the actually correct column, he reiterates his book’s main concept that, “an economy’s stock of foreign direct investment is a guide to its future competitiveness.” He shuns the “let the market rip” approach that other countries such as Malaysia adopted in order to attract foreign firms “to somehow ‘make local business competitive’ work.” China’s consent to the World Trade Organization has given it limited access to foreign markets.
From reading these two articles, there is a sense of pride in one’s country and its resource and production potential. With successful and positive approaches to globalization and the foreign maker, I foresee a further coalition between the East and West.
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